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Oud 1 oktober 2018, 11:31   #2
Witte Kaproen
Secretaris-Generaal VN
 
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Oorspronkelijk geplaatst door tomm Bekijk bericht
Ik weet dat ik al gelijkaardige draden ben gestart enkele jaren geleden, maar recente opiniepeilingen geven aan wat iedereen die regelmatig deze landen bezoekt al lang weet, namelijk dat in de meeste Oost-Europese landen de nostalgie naar de socialistische tijden algemeen is. En dat de meeste mensen vonden dat ze het toen beter hadden. Dit feit wordt echter niet erkend in onze pers, die verkiest het fenomeen dood te zwijgen, want niet "politiek correct" nostalgie te hebben naar dictaturen.

Beneficial Harm Don't know/Refused
%
%
%
Serbia 4 81 8
Bosnia and Herzegovina 6 77 7
Montenegro 15 65 9
Macedonia 12 61 21


https://news.gallup.com/poll/210866/...a-breakup.aspx



Many eastern Europeans feel nostalgia for the communist era

https://www.economist.com/europe/201...-communist-era

Polls show: Eastern Europeans miss Communism.
http://historyandcurrentcontext.blog...eans-miss.html

According to a recent IRES survey, Nicolae Ceausescu would still get elected as president from the first round, with 66 percent of the votes. The poll institute explained that 66 percent of the interviewed persons said they would be willing to vote for Ceausescu is he was still alive and ran for Presidency.







https://www.romaniajournal.ro/former...ave-turned-97/

41% of Bulgarians Would Want to Live Under Communism
SOFIA, BULGARIA - According to a study done by the “Trend” research company, around half of Bulgarians hold positive opinions about the communist period from 1944 to 1990.


"Trend" also asked about certain individuals. 41% of the interviewed had a positive opinion of Todor Zhivkov, the former communist dictator of Bulgaria. 18% dislike him, and 33% are undecided. Virtually all participants knew who he was.

https://www.euscoop.com/en/2017/11/1...efer-communism

Since returning to office in 2010 after a long spell in opposition, Orbán has rolled out a series of benefits: a public works job program, pension hikes, utility bill cuts, a minimum wage increase and cash gifts for retirees.

The government’s family program, which gives financial incentives for couples to have more children and buy homes, is especially popular. “[Voters] know if it’s there, then their lives will be easier — if it’s not, it will be harder,” said Katalin Novák, minister of state for family, youth, and international affairs, speaking on the sidelines of a Fidesz political gathering in the town of Budakeszi outside of Budapest.

These benefits are, for the most part, not aimed at Hungary’s poorest, who continue to struggle to make ends meet, but are rather targeted at a large lower-middle class that feels it has not benefited from the transition to capitalism and democracy.
When it comes to political rhetoric, added Bod, Orbán sometimes slips into the old Marxist mantras he learned in school — calling for a “labor-based society” and the reindustrialization of Hungary and warning of the dangers of “speculation.”

The prime minister is also no fan of foreign control of Hungarian business. Under Orbán, the government has sought to bring key sectors under local control. “Certain things have to remain in national ownership,” he said in a December television interview. “Even at the outset I wasn’t selling a pig in a poke when I declared that at least 50 percent of Hungary’s banking system must be owned by Hungarians — and we’ve managed to achieve that state of affairs.”

“Another area was the energy sector,” he said, adding that, “I am personally convinced that another element of national sovereignty is that most of a country’s media systems should be in national hands. And, well, I don’t want to conceal the fact that I would like to achieve a bit more than that.”

Western enemies
Then there’s his invocation of Western meddling and the danger of international finance. His government has run publicity campaigns against Brussels and the U.N. and railed against the U.S. Embassy in Budapest for its support of free media in Hungary.

Orbán’s popularity is the result in part of his boldness in appealing to “the long dormant anti-Western resentment, an essential part of Hungarian and East European politics since the defeat of the 1848 liberal revolutions,” said Gáspár M. Tamás, a philosopher and visiting professor at the Budapest-based Central European University.


https://www.politico.eu/article/new-...law-kaczynski/

As a point of reference, in 2001 53% of Hungarian adults thought that the years between World War II and the change of regime in 1989 were the happiest time in Hungarian history. By 2008 62% thought so.
According to a study right after the death of János Kádár (July 1989), 50-60% of adults judged Kádár’s role in Hungarian history in a positive light. Moreover, this was the opinion not only of people with minimal educational attainment but of highly educated people as well. When asked what they liked about Kádár they pointed to his modest, puritanic lifestyle and his informality. 87% declared that their impression of him was always positive. They considered him “one of the great benefactors of the Hungarian people” and “the greatest personality in Hungarian politics.”
http://hungarianspectrum.org/2013/05...ime-from-1989/

http://hungarianfreepress.com/2018/0...f-janos-kadar/

In Russia, nostalgia for Soviet Union and positive feelings about Stalin

Volgens een recente opiniepeiling door PEW uit 2017 (verbonden aan de Amerikaanse republikeinse partij, alesbehalve communistisch dus) vinden 51% van de Georgiërs ouder dan 35 (en 42% van de Georgiërs jonger dan 35), 78% van de Russen ouder dan 35 (en 69% van deze jonger dan 35), 75% van de Moldaviërs ouder dan 35 (en 62% van deze jonger dan 35), 82% van de Armeniërs ouder dan 35 (en 74% van deze jonger dan 35), respectievelijk 60 en 54% van de Wit-Russen, 40% van de Oekraïners, dat de Sovjet-Unie en het communisme terug moeten komen.
In de Baltische landen is dit slechts een kleine minderheid, behalve in Letland waar toch zo'n derde van de bevolking het communisme en de Sovjet-Unie terug wil ingevoerd zien.

Daarenboven heeft 57% van de Georgiërs, 58 % van de Russen, en zo'n derde van de Armeniërs, Moldaviërs en Wit-Russen een positieve opinie over Stalin.
In Oekraïne (25% is fan van Stalin) en vooral de Baltische landen (10%) heeft de meerderheid een negatieve opinie over Stalin.
Gorbatchov wordt gehaat in Rusland, Georgië, Armenië, Moldova en Oekraïne, maar is een held in de Baltische landen en in Polen.




http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank...-about-stalin/

In Kyrgyzstan zie je dat 95% een hechtere unie met Rusland wil, terwijl 5% een positieve indruk van de VS heeft (de EU 25%).

http://www.iri.org/sites/default/fil...kyrgyzstan.pdf

https://sputniknews.com/russia/20160...algia-opinion/


According to the Sputnik survey, 64 percent of Russian residents rated life in the Soviet Union higher than it after its dissolution. The highest percentages of such respondents are registered in Armenia and Azerbaijan. The same opinion is registered among 61 percent in Kazakhstan, 60 percent in Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, 53 percent in Belarus, and 51 percent in Georgia

In the most recent sample (November 2016), 56 percent of respondents expressed regret about the Union’s collapse.
In some of the non-Russian republics, there is a similar level of regret for the breakup of the USSR. In a poll conducted by Gallup in 11 of the 15 successor states (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Uzbekistan were excluded), a majority indicated that the breakup was more harmful than good in Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Ukraine, as well as in Russia (in Moldova and Belarus a plurality agreed with this position). Only in Turkmenistan (62 percent)—and very likely in the un-polled Baltic states—did a majority indicate that this event was beneficial.

https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-po...-to-neo-soviet
En hoeveel Fransen zouden er op Napoleon stemmen ,

moest die terug kunnen opkomen, denk je ?
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