Zionisten en het Molimbroederschap : Een onheilige Duivelse alliantie ?

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Zitten de zionisten met het Moslimbroederschap in bed ?

Deze draad werd gestart om deze vraagstelling te analyseren.

Video - US Zionist - Muslim Brotherhood relation ship الاخوان المسلمين وامريكا

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Velen zulen dit als de grootse onzin ooit trachten af te doen.

Echter mogen we niet vergeten dat het Moslimbroederschap, net zoals het Zionisme zichzelf oa. via de vrijmetselarij propageert en zich m.b.v. deze organisatie diep in de maatschappij innestelt, ook op diezelfde Maçonnieke wijze georganiseerd is.

Wat is er aan de hand met deze twee "rulers des jeux" ? Beiden willen de wereld overheersen...

Video - Jerusalem - Vatican controlled Masonic Labour Zionists and Masonic Muslims

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Drie types Zionisme ! Islamitisch Zionisme = het Moslimbroederschap

Video - Egyptian Owner of Faraeen TV Tawfiq Okasha: The Muslim Brotherhood Represents Islamic Zionism

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In vorige video werden Hassan Al-Banna en Sayyid Qutb vernoemd.

Eerst bekijken we Hassan Al-Banna en zijn 20 principes.

De 20 protocollen/principes van Hassan Al-Banna leggen de basis voor het Islamitisch Zionisme/het Moslimbroederschap/"Moslim vrijmetselarij".

Uit Wikipedia Hasssan Al-Banna :

<sub>Sheikh Hasan Ahmed Abdel Rahman Muhammed al-Banna (Arabic: حسن أحمد عبد الرحمن محمد البنا‎, IPA: [ˈħæsæn ˈæħmæd ʕæbdeɾɾˤɑħˈmɑːn mæˈħæmmæd elˈbænnæ]) known as Hasan al-Banna (14 October 1906 – 12 February 1949) was a schoolteacher and imam, best known for founding the Muslim Brotherhood, one of the largest and most influential 20th century Muslim revivalist organizations.


De Sunni Moslim Hasan al-Banna, stichter van het Moslimbroederschap

Banna was born in 1906 in Mahmoudiyah, Egypt (north-west of Cairo in the Nile delta).[1] His father, Sheikh Ahmad 'Abd al-Rahman al-Banna al-Sa'ati, was a local imam (prayer leader) and masjid teacher of the Hanbali rite. His brother is Gamal al-Banna. He was educated at Dar Al-Uloum school in Cairo.


...

In anchoring this organization into Egyptian society, Al-Banna relied on pre-existing social networks, in particular those built around mosques, Islamic welfare associations, and neighborhood groups. This weaving of traditional ties into a distinctively modern structure was at the root of his success. Directly attached to the brotherhood, and feeding its expansion, were numerous businesses, clinics, and schools. In addition, members were affiliated to the movement through a series of cells, revealingly called usar (families. singular: usrah).

The material, social and psychological support thus provided were instrumental to the movement's ability to generate enormous loyalty among its members and to attract new recruits. The services and organizational structure around which the society was built were intended to enable individuals to reintegrate into a distinctly Islamic setting, shaped by the society's own principles.

Rooted in Islam, Al-Banna's message tackled issues including colonialism, public health, educational policy, natural resources management, Marxism, social inequalities, Arab nationalism, the weakness of the Islamic world on the international scene, and the growing conflict in Palestine. By emphasizing concerns that appealed to a variety of constituencies, Al-Banna was able to recruit from among a cross-section of Egyptian society — though modern-educated civil servants, office employees, and professionals remained dominant among the organization's activists and decisionmakers. Al-Banna was also active in resisting British rule in Egypt.

...</sub>

De 20 principes :

<sub>Principles of Understanding
By: Imam Hassan Al-Banna

Through what he called 'the twenty principles", Imam al-Banna called for a general covenant whose base is these twenty principles, which clearly draw the background needed for the Islamic starting point towards the revival.


In his book Nazarat fil Qur'an al Karim (Reflection on the Ever-honorable Qur'an) where these twenty principles appeared for the first time, Imam al-Banna said, "I spent much time thinking about the difference that may be called a scientific difference between Muslim organizations first in Egypt and secondly in countries throughout the Muslim world. I also spent much time seeking a way with which I could gather the Muslims' hearts around a supreme aim that would unify their souls and stimulate their activity, and that would be a foundation of the prospective revival. I wanted to display these principles - which are, Allah willing, in compliance with the truth - before Muslim thinkers, aiming that they would draw near the different viewpoints. I hope that they would contemplate them deeply, and if they would find them suitable to gather them Muslims' viewpoints together, we might take them as a basis..."

The twenty principles are introduced in an explicit, specific, and logical form. They actually contribute to setting a base for cooperation between all Muslims for the sake of the proposed revival. Imam al-Banna said about them,

They draw near those who are far from one another.
They are in conformity with the truth, according to the measures of knowledge.

Furthermore, Imam al-Banna asked scholars to meditate on these principles that should be a constitution of cultural unity among Muslims. He also enjoined on his adherents that the first pillar of their pledge with him is to understand these matters very well and invite the Ummah to adopt them.

In order to make dealing with the twenty principles easier, we will introduce them in groups as follows:

The dogmatic method (principles pertaining to understanding the creed)
The method of principles (principles pertaining to understanding the principles of Islamic Jurisprudence)
The Fiqhi method (principles pertaining to understanding Islamic Jurisprudence)
The general method (general principles)


The Dogmatic Method
(Principles Pertaining to Understanding the Creed)

1- The Principle regarding the comprehensiveness of Islam
“Islam is a comprehensive system which deals with all spheres of life. It is a country and a homeland or a government and a nation. It is conduct and power or mercy and justice. It is a culture and a law or knowledge and jurisprudence. It is material and wealth or gain and prosperity. It is jihad and a call or army and a cause. And finally, it is true belief and correct worship.”
(The Teaching, the first principle)

2- The Principle regarding understanding the Quranic verses speaking about Allah’s attributes
“Recognizing Allah’s existence (Exalted be He), believing in His Oneness, and glorifying Him are the most sublime beliefs of Islam. We believe in the Quranic verses and authentic Ahadith of the Prophet (saws) which describe the exalted attributes of Allah and glorify His name. We also believe in the Quranic verses which are not entirely clear (mutashabihat), which serve this same purpose, without rejecting any part of them or attempting to interpret them on our own. We stand aloof from the differences which exist among the scholars concerning these verses; it is enough for us to adopt the attitude of the Prophet (saws) and his companions: “…and those who are firmly grounded in knowledge say: ‘We believe in it; the whole of it (clear and unclear Verses) are from our Lord’…” (Ale-‘Imran: 7).
(The Teaching, the Tenth Principle)

3- The principle regarding forbidden to accuse Muslims of disbelief
“Never label as an unbeliever (kafir) any Muslim who has confessed the two declarations (Shahadatayn) of belief, acts accordingly and performs the obligatory (fard) duties of Islam unless he clearly professes the word of unbelief, refuses to acknowledge a fundamental principle of Islam, denies the purity of the Qur’an, or commits an evident act of unbelief.”
(The Teachings, the Twentieth principle)

4- The principle regarding tawassuland invocation
“Supplication to Allah via an intermediary is a minor difference of opinion – more to do with the method of performing supplication rather than a question of belief (‘aqidah).”
(The Teaching, the fifteenth principle)

5- The principle regarding ill thinking and claiming that one knows the unseen
“Talismans, incantations, placing of shells around the neck, fortune telling whether by drawing lines on sand or astrology, sorcery, and claiming to have knowledge of the unseen and similar practices, are all evil that must be fought, except what is mentioned in the Qur’an or transmitted to us as an authentic narration of the Prophet (saws).
(The Teaching, the fourth principle)

6- The principle regarding bid’ah that has no origin
“Every innovation (bid’ah) introduced by the people into the religion of Allah on the grounds of their whims and without authentic foundation, whether by adding to the principles of Islam or taking away from them, is a serious deviation which must be fought and abolished by the best means as long as it does not lead to a greater evil”.
(The Teachings, the eleventh principle)

7- The principle regarding bid’ahs pertaining to graves and the dead
“Visiting grave sites and tombs is an authentic sunnah if done in the manner prescribed by the Prophet (saws). But seeking the help of the dead, whomever they may be, appealing to them, asking them to fulfill certain requests, vowing to them, and swearing with their names instead of the name of Allah, building high tombs, covering them with curtains, illuminating them, and everything of the same nature, are evil innovations and major sins that must be fought. We do not need to interpret such actions offering excuses for them.”

8- The principle regarding love, honor, and prestige towards those who are close to Allah
“Love of pious people, respecting them, and honoring their righteous achievements brings one closer to Allah (Exalted be He). These (the ones who are close to Allah) have been mentioned by Allah in the Quranic verse: “Those who believed (in the Oneness of Allah – Islamic Monotheism), and used to fear Allah much” (Yunus: 63). Honor and prestige are due to them with the conditions prescribed by Islamic Law, but we must firmly believe that they (may Allah be pleased with them) had no power over their own fates and, thereby, cannot avail or harm anymore after their death.”
(The Teachings, the thirteenth principle)



The Method of Principles
(Principles Pertaining to Understanding the Principles of Fiqh)

There are some problems that the Ummah faces when dealing with the principles of Fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence). These problems should be considered. There are also some regulations that, when neglected, stifle the process of revival. These regulations should be identified.

The science of Usul al-fiqh (Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence) is concerned with the method of reaching Shar’i rulings. The principles of this science are defined as a collection of rules and researches with which jurists can deduce practical shara’i ruling, i.e. fiqhi rulings. Scholars divided the sources of these principles into:

a) Adopted principles, and these include the Qur’an, the Sunnah, consensus of the opinions (Ijma’), and analogical deduction (qiyas).

b) Principles or proofs about which scholars have differed, and these are the sayings of the Companions, laws of the preceding nations, the actions of the people of Madinah, customs (‘urf), presumption of continuity (istishab), application of discretion in a legal decision (istishan), etc..

c) Non-adopted principles and these include the principles that Sufis added like divine manifestation, visions, inspiration, and conceptions.

9- The principle regarding reference
“The glorious Qur’an and the purified sunnah of the Prophet (saws) are the reference points for every Muslim to get acquainted with the rules of Islam. The Qur’an can be understood by applying the rules of the Arabic language without constraint or controversy, and the Sunnah can be acquired by reference to trustworthy transmitters of Hadith.”
(The Teachings, the second principle)

10- The principle regarding non-infallibility of people’s sayings
“Everyone’s opinion, except that of the infallible Prophet (saws) is liable to changes and modifications. We accept all that has reached us of the opinions and rulings of the pious predecessors (Salaf) as long as they are in agreement with the Qur’an and the Sunnah. If this is not the case, the Book of Allah and the Sunnah of the His Messenger are more deserving of our adherence. However, we do not scorn or attack those individuals who differed, since we do not know what their intentions were or the circumstances that necessitated their decision.”
(The Teachings, the sixth Principle)

11- The principle regarding the non-adopted proofs of rulings
“True belief, proper worship, and jihad in the way of Allah have light and warmth. Allah casts them in the hearts of whomever He chooses from among His servants. Though they may be blessed, the visions, notions, inspirations, and dreams are not authentic references for Islamic Law, and therefore should not be given any consideration except when they do not conflict with the authentic references and established principles of Islam.”
(The Teachings, the third principle)

12- The principle regarding personal reasoning and imitation
“Any Muslim who has not reached the level to understand the different branches of Islamic jurisprudence may follow one of the four great Imams of this religion. And if so, he should try his best to grasp the evidence put forward while being open to the opinions (supported with evidence) of trustworthy people. This will provide him with enough knowledge to find the Islamic solutions to the contemporary problems of his society. Besides, if this man is from the people of knowledge, let him exert himself to acquire such a level of understanding.”
(The Teachings, the seventh principle)



The Fiqhi Method
(Principles Pertaining to Understanding (Fiqh)

The extent to which we understand Islam is one of the most important factors that affect our movement towards the revival. Imam al-Banna discussed the most significant matters that we must follow in Fiqh so that it may become a source of mercy and common consent instead of difference and disagreement. Fiqh is a science that deals with Shar’i rulings. It is known that there are two fiqhi schools that appeared after the accident of performance of prayer in Banu Qurayzah. These two schools are the school of text, which deals with the content of the text, and the school of objectives, which is concerned with the reason why this text was mentioned.

13- The principle regarding precedence between actions
“Belief (‘aqidah) is the basis of action. The deeds done by the heart are more significant than those done by the organs. However, the Muslim is requested to attain improvement in both spheres, even though the degree of request is not the same.”
(The Teachings, the seventeenth principle)

14- The principle regarding following the opinion of an Imam
“The opinion of the Imam or his deputy is acceptable in matters having no text as proof, matters having variety of ruling, and matters pertaining to unrestricted interest, provided that his opinion does not conflict with any established principle of Islam. It may change in light of circumstances, customs, and convention. Rituals of worship are originally confined to mere worship with no consideration for meaning, while customary affairs are originally confined to hidden meanings, wisdom, and objectives.”
(The Teachings, the fifth principle)

15- The principle regarding forbidding causing division within the ranks of the Muslims
“In subsidiary matters of Islamic Jurisprudence, differences should not cause division, contention, or hatred within the ranks of the Muslims. To every seeker of knowledge is a reward. In cases of disagreement, however, there is no harm in objective scientific investigation in an atmosphere of love for the sake of Allah and cooperation with the aim of realizing the truth, as long as this does not lead to fanaticism, obstinacy, or controversy.”
(The Teachings, the eighth principle)

16- The principle regarding forbidding to waste time and effort in trivial matters that will not lead to action
“Wasting time and effort in investigating trivial matters that will not lead to action is forbidden in Islam. This category includes debating minute aspects of rulings in cases which have never occurred, investigating the meaning of the Quranic verses which are still beyond the scope of human knowledge, and differentiating between the Companions of the Prophet, or investigating the instances of disagreement that took place among them. Every Companion (may Allah be pleased with them all) has the honor and distinction of being a Companion of the Messenger of Allah (saws), and to each is the recompense of his motives. Besides, authenticating reports about them always secures a way out of controversy.”
(The Teachings, the ninth principle)

17- The principle regarding bid’ahs that have no origin in the religion
“There is a difference of opinion regarding innovations which do not contradict established Islamic principles (such as praising Imams and religious figures with pronouncements of their credibility) and binding people to acts of worship left open to one’s choice. We adopt what can be confirmed by sound evidence.”
(The Teachings, the twelfth principle)



The General Method
(General Principles)

There are a number of principles that can be included in any of the pervious methods, particularly the method of deriving principles, but they seem to have something common between all the methods. That is why we regard them as general matters. They are:

18- The principle regarding avoiding incorrect practices and deceiving terminology
“Incorrect practices which are common amongst people (known as ‘urf) are not to change the reality of Shar’i terms. Rather we must define the intended meaning. We must also be on the guard for deceptive words relating to worldly and religious matters. What is worth considering here is not names but what these names stand for.”
(The Teachings, the sixteenth principle)

19- The principle regarding the relation between Shar’i contemplation and contemplation of the mind
“Both Shar’i contemplation and contemplation of the mind may deal with what is attached to the circle of the other. But, they never differ as regards definite matters: no sound scientific fact will conflict with an established Shar’i one and the speculative matters of any of them should be interpreted to be in conformity with the definite one. If however the two are speculative, it is recommended to follow the Shar’i contemplation until contemplation of the mind is established or otherwise.”
(The Teachings, the nineteenth principle)

20- The principle regarding contemplation of the mind
“Islam liberates the mind, urges contemplation of the universe, honors science and scientists, and welcomes all that is good and beneficial to mankind. And, ‘Wisdom is the missing goal of the believer, so wherever he finds it, he becomes the most worthy of it’.”
(The Teachings, the eighteenth principle)</sub>

[zonbron]

Van Sayyid Quth tot Ayman Zawahiri, Osama bin Laden, Al Qaeda, Jihad en Anwar al-Awlaki

Uit Wikipedia Sayyid Qutb



<sub>Sayyid Qutb (Egyptian Arabic pronunciation: [ˈsæjjed ˈʔotˤb], Arabic: [ˈsæjjed ˈqotˤb]) (also Said, Syed, Seyyid, Sayid, or Sayed; Koteb, Qutub, Kotb, or Kutb) (Arabic: سيد قطب‎; October 9, 1906[1] – August 29, 1966) was an Egyptian author, educator, Islamist theorist, poet, and the leading member of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950s and '60s.

Author of 24 books, including novels, literary arts’ critique and works on education, he is best known in the Muslim world for his work on what he believed to be the social and political role of Islam, particularly in his books Social Justice and Ma'alim fi-l-Tariq (Milestones). His magnum opus, Fi Zilal al-Qur'an (In the shade of the Qur'an), is a 30-volume commentary on the Qur'an.

During most of his life, Qutb's inner circle mainly consisted of influential politicians, intellectuals, poets and literary figures, both of his age and of the preceding generation. By the mid-1940s, many of his writings were officially among the curricula of schools, colleges and universities.[2]

Even though most of his observations and criticism were leveled at the Muslim world, Qutb is also known for his intense disapproval of the society and culture of the United States,[3][4] which he saw as obsessed with materialism, violence, and sexual pleasures.[5] Views on Qutb vary widely. He has been described by some as a great artist and martyr for Islam,[6][7] but by many Western observers as one who shaped the ideas of Islamists[8] and particularly of groups such as Al Qaeda.[9][10][11][12] Today, his supporters are identified as Qutbists[13] or "Qutbi" (by their opponents, not by themselves).[14]

...

Visit to America

The turning point in Qutb's views resulted from his visit to the United States, where he aimed for further studies in educational administration. Over a two-year period, he worked in several different institutions including what was then Wilson Teachers' College in Washington, D.C., Colorado State College for Education in Greeley, as well as Stanford University.[21] He also traveled extensively, visiting the major cities of the United States and spent time in Europe on the return journey to Egypt.

On his return to Egypt, Qutb published an article entitled "The America that I Have Seen." He was critical of many things he had observed in the United States: its materialism, individual freedoms, economic system, racism, brutal boxing matches, "poor" haircuts,[4] superficiality in conversations and friendships,[22] restrictions on divorce, enthusiasm for sports, lack of artistic feeling,[22] "animal-like" mixing of the sexes (which "went on even in churches"),[23] and strong support for the new Israeli state.[24] Hisham Sabrin, noted that:

As a brown person in Greeley, Colorado in the late 40s, studying English he came across much prejudice. He also felt quite appalled by what he perceived as loose sexual openness of American men and women (a far cry by any measure, from Musha, Asyut where he grew up). But, in fact this American experience was not truly a crisis for Qutb, but rather a moment of choice and fine-tuning of his already Islamic identity. He himself tells us on his boat trip over “Should I travel to America, and become flimsy, and ordinary, like those who are satisfied with idle talk and sleep. Or should I distinguish myself with values and spirit. Is there other than Islam that I should be steadfast to in its character and hold on to its instructions, in this life amidst deviant chaos, and the endless means of satisfying animalistic desires, pleasures, and awful sins? I wanted to be the latter man.”.

Qutb noted with disapproval the sexuality of American women:

the American girl is well acquainted with her body's seductive capacity. She knows it lies in the face, and in expressive eyes, and thirsty lips. She knows seductiveness lies in the round breasts, the full buttocks, and in the shapely thighs, sleek legs—and she shows all this and does not hide it.[4]

He also commented on the American taste in arts:

The American is primitive in his artistic taste, both in what he enjoys as art and in his own artistic works. “Jazz” music is his music of choice. This is that music that the Negroes invented to satisfy their primitive inclinations, as well as their desire to be noisy on the one hand and to excite bestial tendencies on the other. The American’s intoxication in “jazz” music does not reach its full completion until the music is accompanied by singing that is just as coarse and obnoxious as the music itself. Meanwhile, the noise of the instruments and the voices mounts, and it rings in the ears to an unbearable degree… The agitation of the multitude[2] increases, and the voices of approval mount, and their palms ring out in vehement, continuous applause that all but deafens the ears.[22]

Return to Egypt

Qutb concluded that major aspects of American life were primitive and "shocking", a people who were "numb to faith in religion, faith in art, and faith in spiritual values altogether". His experience in the U.S. is believed to have formed in part the impetus for his rejection of Western values and his move towards Islamism upon returning to Egypt. Resigning from the civil service, he joined the Muslim Brotherhood in the early 1950s[25] and became editor-in-chief of the Brothers' weekly Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin, and later head of its propaganda[26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35] section, as well as an appointed member of the working committee and of its guidance council, the highest branch in the organization.[36]

Nasser and Qutb

In July 1952, Egypt's pro-Western government was overthrown by the nationalist Free Officers Movement headed by Gamal Abdel Nasser. Both Qutb and the Muslim Brotherhood welcomed the coup against the monarchist government — which they saw as un-Islamic and subservient to British imperialism — and enjoyed a close relationship with the movement prior to and immediately following the coup. Nasser would go the house of Syed Qutb and ask him for ideas about the Revolution.[citation needed] Many members of the Brotherhood expected Nasser to establish an Islamic government. However, the cooperation between the Brotherhood and Free Officers which marked the revolution's success soon soured as it became clear the secular nationalist ideology of Nasserism was incompatible with the Islamism of the Brotherhood.

Nasser had secretly set up an organisation that would sufficiently oppose the Muslim Brotherhood once he came to power. This organisation was called "Tahreer' ("freedom" in Arabic). It was well known that the Brotherhood were made popular by their extensive social programs in Egypt, and Nasser wanted to be ready once he had taken over. At this time, Qutb did not realize Nasser's alternate plans, and would continue to meet with him, sometimes for 12 hours a day,[37] to discuss a post monarch Egypt. Once Qutb realized that Nasser had taken advantage of the secrecy between the Free Officers and the Brotherhood, he promptly quit. Nasser then tried to persuade Qutb by offering him any position he wanted in Egypt except its Kingship, saying:

"We will give you whatever position you want in the government, whether it's the Ministry of Education, Ministry of Arts, etc."[38]

Qutb refused every offer, having understood the reality of Nasser's plans.

After the attempted assassination of Nasser in 1954, the Egyptian government used the incident to justify a crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, imprisoning Qutb and many others for their vocal opposition to various government policies. During his first three years in prison, conditions were bad and Qutb was tortured. In later years he was allowed more mobility, including the opportunity to write.[39]

This period saw the composition of his two most important works: a commentary of the Qur'an Fi Zilal al-Qur'an (In the Shade of the Qur'an), and a manifesto of political Islam called Ma'alim fi-l-Tariq (Milestones). These works represent the final form of Qutb's thought, encompassing his radically anti-secular and anti-Western claims based on his interpretations of the Qur'an, Islamic history, and the social and political problems of Egypt. The school of thought he inspired has become known as Qutbism.

Qutb was let out of prison at the end of 1964 at the behest of the Prime Minister of Iraq, Abdul Salam Arif, for only 8 months before being rearrested in August 1965. He was accused of plotting to overthrow the state and subjected to what some consider a show trial.[40] Many of the charges placed against Qutb in court were taken directly from Ma'alim fi-l-Tariq and he adamantly supported his written statements. The trial culminated in a death sentence for Qutb and six other members of the Muslim Brotherhood. He was sentenced to death as the leader of a group planning to assassinate the President and other Egyptian officials and personalities, though he was not the instigator or leader of the actual plot.[41][42] On 29 August 1966, he was executed by hanging.


...

Finally, Qutb offered his own explanation in Ma'alim fi-l-Tariq, arguing that anything non-Islamic was evil and corrupt, while following Sharia as a complete system extending into all aspects of life, would bring every kind of benefit to humanity, from personal and social peace, to the "treasures" of the universe.

...

Al Qaeda and Islamic Jihad

Qutb had influence on Islamic insurgent/terror groups in Egypt[63] and elsewhere. His influence on Al Qaeda was felt through his writing, his followers and especially through his brother, Muhammad Qutb, who moved to Saudi Arabia following his release from prison in Egypt and became a professor of Islamic Studies and edited, published and promoted his brother Sayyid's work.[79][80]

One of Muhammad Qutb's students and later an ardent follower was Ayman Zawahiri, who went on to become a member of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad[81] and later a mentor of Osama bin Laden and a leading member of al-Qaeda.[82] Zawahiri was first introduced to Qutb by his uncle and maternal family patriarch, Mafouz Azzam, who was very close to Qutb throughout his life. Azzam was Qutb's student, then protégé, then personal lawyer and executor of his estate — one of the last people to see Qutb before his execution. According to Lawrence Wright, who interviewed Azzam, "young Ayman al-Zawahiri heard again and again from his beloved uncle Mahfouz about the purity of Qutb's character and the torment he had endured in prison."[83] Zawahiri paid homage to Qutb in his work Knights under the Prophet's Banner.[84]

Anwar al-Awlaki

Osama bin Laden was also acquainted with Sayyid's brother, Muhammad Qutb. A close college friend of bin Laden's, Mohammed Jamal Khalifa, told Wright, that bin Laden regularly attended weekly public lectures by Muhammad Qutb, at King Abdulaziz University, and that he and bin Laden both "read Sayyid Qutb. He was the one who most affected our generation."[85]


Anwar al-Awlaki

While imprisoned in Yemen, Anwar al-Awlaki became influenced by the works of Qutb.[86] He would read 150–200 pages a day of Qutb's works, describing himself during the course of his reading as "so immersed with the author I would feel Sayyid was with me in my cell speaking to me directly.”[86]</sub>

On the other hand, associate professor of history at Creighton University, John Calvert, states that "the Al Qaeda threat" has "monopolized and distorted our understanding" of Qutb's "real contribution to contemporary Islamism."[87]

[zonbron]

Ontbrekende bronvermelding bij post nr.4 (20 principes van Hassan Al-Banna)

ilfchicago - Principles of Understanding
By: Imam Hassan Al-Banna

[zonbron]

Een studie van het Pica Global Research Organization die een dieper inzicht geeft in het modern islamitisch fundamentalisme en het Moslimbroederschap.

Enkele belangrijke punten uit :
Pica - From Al Banna to Qutb’ to Zawahiri – How the ideology of Al Banna set the foundation for Modern Islamic Fundamentalism

<sub>Written by:
Andreas Krieg, MA Candidate
IDC, Herzliya, Lauder School of Government
2009

Introduction

With the end of the Cold War the bipolar system that divided the world in the West and the East came to an end and left the Western state system as the only dominant power behind. From the mid of the 1990s, however, the West increasingly experienced terrorist threats and attacks from Islamist groupings all over the world. The communist peril was gradually replaced by a terrorist peril that had the power to strike painfully into the heart of the West. At the latest since September 11th, 2001 the West under the leadership of the United States has realized that the struggle of the 21st century would be characterized by the fight against terrorism, or according to former US President Bush by the so-called ‘war on terror’. With the suicide attacks of Madrid in 2003 and London 2005, also the European public saw itself confronted with Islamist extremism, jihad and terrorism. As politics and media were increasingly focusing on the terrorist network Al Quaeda and individuals such as Osama bin Laden, one could get the impression that the ideology of modern terrorism came about as a form of Muslim extremism only in the last decade. One fails to realize that Muslim reactionsim and conservatism came already about in the Middle Ages and developed into a proper ideology directed against Western values and inventions in the early 20th century.

This paper argues that the terrorist ideology of many modern Islamist terror cells is based on the teachings and writings of Hassan al Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. In particular one can observe a stringent connection between the beliefs of Al-Zawahiri, the mastermind behind Al Quaeda, and the convictions of Hassan Al Banna. Being born in colonialist Egypt, al Banna developed a dismissive attitude towards the Western occupants and its values. The foundation of the Muslim Brotherhood in the late 1920s as a reactionary movement eager to fight for the re-establishment of a Muslim caliphate in the Muslim world brought about a mass movement that was countering Western influence in the Middle East with the power of the word and not with the power of the sword. Despite its relatively moderate standpoint, the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood as envisaged by al Banna was altered throughout the 20th century and used by the majority of Islamist groupings to justify a violent jihad against the West in the world. This paper will analyze al Banna’s teachings as well as his concept for a Muslim Brotherhood and intends to show how al Banna’s ideology evolved throughout the 20th century to finally inspire al-Zawahiri to found a terrorist network aiming to bring violent jihad to thousands of innocent victims in the West. In how far can the ideology of Al Quaeda be based upon Hassan al Banna and his concept of the Muslim Brotherhood?

This paper will commence by giving an introduction to Hassan Al Banna as a person and the historic circumstances in Egypt in the early 20th century. Based on the experiences of his adolescence life this paper will elaborate on his ideology and the translation of this ideology into the Muslim Brotherhood. Further, the process of the radicalization of al Banna’s ideology through Qutb will be outlined. Finally, the paper will look at Al-Zawahiri as the master mind of Al Quaeda and the similarities of his ideology with the ideology of Hassan Al Banna.

Al Banna – The Person

Wanting to understand the ideology of Hassan Al Banna and of the Muslim Brotherhood, one has to understand Al Banna’s personal life in the Egypt of the early 20th century.

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Al Banna – the Ideology and the Muslim Brotherhood

Al Banna’s response to the social and cultural upheavals in Egypt of the early 1920s was the formation of the Muslim Brother in 1928 whose “[…] mission is one of reawakening and deliverance […]”(Calvert, 2008, p.20). The Muslim Brotherhood has to be understood as a sort of national liberation movement in the face of foreign influence undermining the social and cultural traditions of the Muslim nation of Egypt. In a text from the late 1930s titled Our Mission Is One of Reawakening and Deliverance al Banna describes the purpose of the establishment of the Muslim brethren based upon the moral ethos of brotherhood, sacrifice and self-less duty to Islam. From the beginning al Banna puts emphasis on the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood does not strive for world domination, wealth or corruption, thereby explicitly distancing himself from the Imperialistic European nations. The fundamental goals of the brotherhood were the liberation of the Islamic fatherland from any foreign domination, for that is believed to be the natural right of all human beings.

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Qutb’ and the Radicalisation of the Muslim Brotherhood

It ought to be questioned how the Muslim Brotherhood developed from a reform or social liberation movement to a grouping that was not only opposed by the colonialists but also by the Egyptian government.

From upon the 1940s first signs appeared that made the peaceful intentions of the Muslims Brotherhood doubtful. The realization that the strife for democratic support of the people was a dead-end street might have caused several brothers to reconsider the non-violence principle as preached by al Banna. The change began with the foundation of the Secret Apparatus (al-jihaz al-sirri) by al Banna in the mid-1940s that was a direct response to his imprisonment by the British authorities. Conducting clandestine operations and being trained physically, al Banna though adhering to his non-violent ideology had to realize that the aggression by the Egyptian government and the British authorities against him as a person and his Muslim Brotherhood could only be countered by a sub-group that could forcefully resist (Said Ali, 1982, p.342). Next to Islamic and ideological education most brothers started to receive physical training in order to make them fit enough to be employed in combat. In 1948 a lot of brothers were sent by al Banna to fight in Palestine against the newly established Jewish state. For the first time al Banna stated that his foreseen path of moderation would not apply to the liberation of original Muslim territory such as Israel, Chechnya or Kashmir. The only way to liberalise these territories of the umma was according to the late al Banna the violent jihad,

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Over time however, al Banna’s secret apparatus appeared to make itself independent from his influence and conducted more and more violent missions also within Egypt. “[…] Operating without the official approval of Supreme Guide Hasan Al-Banna, the apparatus assassinated leading political figures, including Egypt’s PM Nuqurashi Pasha […]”(Calvert, 2008, p.136). Even though al Banna always rejected the notion that the term of infidel (kafir) would not apply to Muslim secular leaders but only to non-Muslims, the Secret Apparatus began to see all secular Muslims as kfirs, who have to be fought by jihad. After the assassination of Prime Minister Pasha in 1949, Hassan Al Banna was killed in response by Egypt’s secret police. In the beginning of the 1950s a new figure appeared in the Muslim Brotherhood, who shortly after should become an ideological leader of the movement, Sayyid Qutb’. Unlike al Banna Qutb’ was not raised in a conservative religious way and did not consider himself religious before his acceptance of al Banna’s call. Living in the US Qutb’ was exposed to the moral grievances of Western society that had lost all its values to sex and alcohol. When Qutb’ returned to Egypt he realized to what extent Westernization had impacted the original Muslim society of Egypt. Fascinated by the ideology of al Banna seeking a re-establishment of a genuine Muslim rule in Egypt and throughout the Muslim world, Qutb’ became a Muslim brother fighting the monarchy in Egypt that was believed to have facilitated and supported the influx of Western ideology. Together with the Free Officers under the leadership of Nasser, Qutb’ supported the overthrow of the monarchy in favor of a rule that would go back to the roots of Egypt’s culture and traditions. The new president Nasser however did not prove himself to be the reformist the Muslim Brotherhood wanted him to be and the cooperative relationship between the organization and the government quickly developed into a hostile clash (Calvert, 2008, p.140). Afraid of a possible counter-revolution by the Muslim Brotherhood, Nasser imprisoned a great deal of its members in 1954, among them Sayyid Qutb’. From the prison Qutb’ began to formulate its ideology based upon al Banna’s principles. In his most famous publication called Milestones (1964), Qutb’ describes what he called the Modern Jahiliyya. According to Qutb’ nothing had changed since the 1930s when al Banna criticized the Egyptian society as corrupted and as gone astray.

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The evolution of thought from Qutb’ to al Banna was not so much in their goals but more in the ways of achieving these goals. While al Banna for the most part objected any use of violence as a mean to force people to compliance with the laws of Islam, Qutb’ fostered an actual violent jihad not only against foreign occupants but also the own leaders that have become obsessed by the Western spread jahiliyya. For Qutb’ the only way to fight jahiliyya was through a revolutionary vanguard, the Muslim brothers, by employing “[…] physical power and jihad […]”(Falk, 2008, p.52). Qutb’s major contribution to the Muslim brotherhood was the idea of an all out holy war against infidels and non-observers of all kind. For that reason Berman has called Qutb’ “[…] the philosopher of Islamic terror […]”(Berman, 2003). In the years from his prison Qutb’ managed to influence some branches of the Muslim Brotherhood by his radical doctrine that he had put into writing. The al-Qutbian group emerged that was eager to adopt al Banna’s ideology of freeing the Muslim world from Western oppression by the means of Qutb’s interpretation of jihad, i.e. not a spiritual struggle but a physical, violent struggle against all kafirs (Tal, 2005, p.25). Over the years the path proclaimed by the moderates in the Muslim Brotherhood to work through the channels of the state proved itself unsuccessful and according to Qutb’ “[…] working within the system served the devil and corrupted the faithful.”(Palmer, 2008, p.17).

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This radicalization of al Banna’s non-violent and moderate ideology has allowed for the connection between al Banna’s reactionary, revisionist approach and the jihadist ideology of contemporary Islamist terrorist groups.

Al Banna, Zawahiri and Al Quaeda

Ayman Al-Zawahiri, the mastermind behind Al-Queda, is one of the most prominent Islamist ideologists today relying in his ideology on the same goals as al Banna, however, advocates the militant implementation of these goals through the means brought forward by Qutb’. Together with Osama bin Laden Zawahiri is today’s most wanted figurehead in Al Quaeda due to the fact that intelligence services believe that he functions as Al Quaeda’s leading ideological head and perhaps even the main operational leader in the network. As the thinker in Al Queda’s organization, it becomes interesting to see where the origins are of an ideology that succeeded in driving well-educated faithful Muslims to sacrifice their life in fight against the infidel West.

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Later after the invasion of Afghanistan by the USSR in the 1980s Zawahiri went together with the Muslim Brotherhood not to fight but to medically support the Mujahedin fighting for the liberation of Muslim territory. Returning to Egypt with the experience of militant jihad against foreign infidel aggression, Zawahiri continued to foster the violent struggle of his terror cell against the government of Nasser’s successor Sadat, who though trying to cooperate with the Muslim Brotherhood and Islamist reactionary movement lost his support from these parties after publicly seeking peace with Israel. Zawahiri even claimed to have been indirectly involved in the planning and execution of Sadat’s assassination in 1981. Following the assassination Zawahiri found himself in prison, where he met various jihadist groups from Egypt that had ties to Saudi Arabia (Riedel, 2008, p.21). In the 1990s Zawahiri fled to Sudan where he enjoyed the hospitality of Bin Laden. Both leaders complemented each other in creating a global terror network that was strong enough to not only take on Western influence in the Muslim world but predominantly could fight the West on a global scale.

As already mentioned above the ideology of Al-Quaeda is mostly based upon Zawahiri’s interpretation of al Banna’s struggle for Muslim emancipation from the Western world and its values. Similar to al Banna Zawahiri believes that the weakness of the Muslim world is caused by a constant penetration of Western values and ideologies into the traditional Islamic world. The West is believed to have deliberately pushed Islam aside to make the umma weak and conceivable for Western ideology and materialistic values. In the same way al Banna criticised the Western ‘isms’ such as liberalism or capitalism also Zawahiri holds these Western influences responsible for the corruption of traditional Islamic life in Egypt and in the rest of the Islamic dominion (Riedel, 2008, p.24). Therefore, Zawahiri follows the claim of al Banna to use jihad as the mean to fight the West, first in Egypt and then in the rest of the Islamic world. As he stated several times, the way to the liberation of the umma will necessarily pass through Cairo. Similar to al Banna Zawahiri is convinced that it should be the ultimate goal of all Muslims to mobilize the masses in order to create a pan-Islamic caliphate in Egypt based on the example of the rule of the caliph in the Ottoman Empire. In his pamphlet Knights Under the Prophet’s Banner Zawahiri stated explicitly in 2001 that “If God will it, such a state in Egypt, with all its weight in the heart of the Islamic world, could lead the Islamic world in a jihad against the West. It could also rally the world Muslims around it. Then history would make a new turn, Insha Allah, in the opposite direction against the empire of the US and the world’s Jewish government” (Zawahiri, 2001, p.113). Though the goals are based on the reformist and revisionist thoughts of al Banna, this extract shows that the foreseen means to achieve these ends are based on an adoption of Qutb’s ideology of radical militant jihad. Similar to Qutb’ Zawahiri makes the difference between the near and the far enemy who both have to be fought in order to achieve the establishment of a pan-Islamic state based on the Shar’ia. The near enemy is defined as the leaders in the Arab world who are considered according to Qutb’ and Zawahiri as kafirs and have to be replaced by honest Islamic leaders. The far enemy are the Western leaders (the US, Israel and other non- Muslim leaders) that are responsible for the moral and religious corruption of the Muslim masses. Zawahiri, however, overthrew Qutb’s belief of first attacking the near enemy before taking on the far enemy by adapting on a ‘far enemy first’ strategy. That is to say that the liberation of the umma has to start with a violent struggle against the outside enemy before fighting the domestic enemy, an approach explaining the attacks of September 11th. Unlike al Banna’s belief that the masses have to be mobilized through education and dawa Zawahiri implements the radical thoughts of Qutb’ preaching an unrestricted jihad (Eikmeier, 2007, p.4). The only escape from the West’s heavy influence is Islamic fundamentalism, holy war and martyrdom. Thus, Zawahiri who was raised through the relatively moderate teachings of al Banna and the Muslim Brotherhood, adopted throughout his life a radical standpoint in achieving the goals envisaged by al Banna through the means of Qutb’. The reason was that the Muslim Brotherhood was perceived by Zawahiri as exclusively gearing their message to the elite and therefore he developed a message to “[…] fill the gap in understanding between the jihad movement and the common people […]” (Aly, 2007, p.10). Thus, instead of fostering an intellectual discourse advocating Islam and the rejection of Western values, Zawahiri set out to mobilize the masses to devote themselves to a militant and violent jihad against the far enemy.

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Conclusion

As this analysis of the various Islamist ideologists has shown, the roots and justification of contemporary jihadist movements lie in the early 20th century when Islamic fundamentalism came about as a social liberation movement against colonial Western influences. It is interesting to see how ideologies change over time and undergo a certain evolution that makes them adapt to the current geopolitical realities. In particular it is remarkable to find the roots of Al Quaeda’s most important ideologists Zawahiri in the teachings of an Islamist reform movement that intended to merely strengthen the participation of the native population in the affairs of their state. The Muslim Brotherhood, though it might have the negative reputation of a militant and violent terrorist organization today, has been founded by Hassan Al Banna as a reactionary movement countering the moral and ethic decay of the Muslim world as triggered through the influx of Western influences. Eager to re-establish a caliphate in the Muslim world, to reignite the true Salafist spirit in Islamic society and to foster social and economic emancipation of the Egyptian masses from Western colonialists Hassan Al Banna envisaged a non-violent approach based on education and preaching to achieve the implementation of his goals. Nonetheless, the core issues that were brought about by al Banna in his writings inspired generations of Islamic fundamentalists to devote their life to the militant fight against non-Muslim influences in the pan-Islamic domain. Looking at the fundamental goals of Al Quaeda one can find obvious similarities with the goals set out by al Banna and his Muslim Brotherhood, i.e. the struggle against Western oppression, the restoration of a pan-Islamic caliphate on basis of the Qur’an and the Shar’ia, as well as the mobilization of the masses to the struggle against the undermining of Islamic tradition by Western secular values. The difference, however, between Zawahiri and al Banna are the means that are justified to achieve these ends. While al Banna and the initial core of the Muslim Brotherhood were convinced that the masses can be mobilized through preaching, education and the use of the media alone, Zawahiri has taken a radical stance advocating the necessary use of militant jihad. Within almost seven decades between the foundation of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the erection of Al Quaeda as a global terrorist network, al Banna’s peaceful attempt of establishing a religious state first in Egypt and then in the rest of the realm of the umma has according to various radicals not proven itself to be successful against a strongly anchored secular political system in most of the Muslim states. The most influential ideologist that altered al Banna’s non-violent approach to jihad was Sayyid Qutb’ who as a Muslim brother of the second generation found himself confronted with a secular regime in Egypt that was determined to bring Islamist fundamentalist opposition to its knees. Realizing that al Banna’s goals could not be implemented through the channels of the state and that the Muslim society found itself in what he called a modern jahiliyya, Qutb’ strongly called for a militant and violent jihad against both the secular regimes in the Muslim world as well as against the West.

Hence one can state that Hassan al Banna’s ideology marks the beginning of modern Islamist teachings in the 20th century, however, it was Sayyid Qutb’ who radicalized the ideology that is used today by ideologists such as Zawahiri to justify violent and militant jihad against the West and other secular regimes in the Muslim world.

Hence, Zawahiri’s ideology that has been shaped by decades of violent struggle against ‘infidels’ in Egypt and throughout the world, has developed into the dominant ideology of one of the world’s most dangerous terrorist organization, Al Quaeda. Pursuing the goals of al Banna in creating an Islamic fundamentalist state in the realm of the umma after defeating the Western influences and taking on the militant approach of Qutb’ in bringing about unrestricted jihad, Al Quaeda is based upon the teachings of the most prominent figureheads of the Muslim Brotherhood. “[…] Qutb’s call for faith in Allah’s Oneness, for submission to His sole authority and sovereignty, was the spark that enflamed the Islamic revolution against Islam’s enemies throughout the world […]” according to Zawahiri in Knights under the Prophet’s Banner (Zawahiri, 2001, p.120).</sub>

[zonbron]

Cursussen ivm de 20 principes van Imam Hassan Al-Banna worden regelmatig in allerlei landen georganiseerd.

Een voorbeeld :

The 20 Principles of Imam Hasan Al-Banna-manchester

[zonbron]

Een boodschap van Anonymous die het Moslimbroederschap vergelijkt met de vrijmetselarij.

Het Moslimbroederschap was ooit een organisatie met goede bedoelingen maar is nu corrupt...

Video - Anonymous - Operation Brotherhood Takedown

[zonbron]

Het Vaticaan en de Moslimvrijmetselarij/Moslimbroederschap

Video - THE PAPACY & MASONIC MUSLIMS
Vanaf 3.10 tot 5.24

[zonbron]

De oprichter van het Moslimbroederschap, Hassan Al-Banna was een vrijmetselaar en tevens een Brits geheim agent.

Terrorism - The Muslim Brotherhood

<sub>The founder of the Muslim Brotherhood was a Freemason, Hassan al Banna, born in 1906, who developed from the influence of the three Salafi reformers, Afghani, Abduh and Rida. Banna’s father was as student of Abduh, and himself was greatly influenced by Rashid Rida. By age twenty-one, Banna was introduced to the leadership of Al-Manar, founded by Rida, and, beginning in the early 1920s, would often meet and discuss with Rida. Through Rida, Banna developed his opposition to Western influence in Egypt, in favor of “pure Islam”, meaning to the pernicious version of Wahhabism.

When Hitler came to power in the 1930’s, he and Nazi intelligence made contact with al Banna to see if they could work together.[4] Banna was also a devout admirer of Hitler. Banna’s letters to Hitler were so supportive that he and other members of the Brotherhood, were recruited by Nazi Military Intelligence to provide information on the British and work covertly to undermine British control in Egypt. Banna himself said that he had “considerable admiration for the Nazi Brownshirts” and organized his own forces along fascist lines.[5] Banna’s Brotherhood also collaborated with the overtly fascist “Young Egypt” movement, founded in October 1933, by lawyer Ahmed Hussein, and modeled directly on the Hitler party, complete with paramilitary Green Shirts, aping the Nazi Brown Shirts, Nazi salute and literal translations of Nazi slogans. Among its members, Young Egypt counted two later presidents, Gamal Nasser and Anwar Sadat.

The Muslim Brotherhood is a London creation, forged as the standard-bearer of an ancient, anti-religious (pagan) heresy that has plagued Islam since the establishment of the Islamic community (umma) by the Prophet Mohammed in the seventh century. Representing organized Islamic fundamentalism, the organization called the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan al-Muslimum in Arabic) was officially founded in Egypt, in 1929, by the British agent Hasan al-Banna, a Sufi mystic. Today, the Muslim Brotherhood is the umbrella under which a host of fundamentalist Sufi, Sunni, and radical Shiite brotherhoods and societies flourish

***The Nazis, created by the Illuminati, at the core represented an occult society that grew out of the associations around Jamal ud Din al Afghani and his H.B. of L. The Nazi Party was the result of a merging of the O.T.O of Crowley and the Thule Gesselschaft of Germany. The chief architect of the Thule group was Baron Rudolf von Sebottendorff, who had contact with Dervish Orders, and knew much about Sufism.

The doctrines of the Thule order were founded on The Coming Race by the Bulwer-Lytton, and the theory of the Atlantean origins of the Aryans race developed by Blavatsky. In 1919, the members of the Thule Society formed a political party named the “Germany Workers Party”. This was in turn was later renamed the “National Socialist German Workers’ Party”, more popularly known as the Nazis, by Adolph Hitler in 1920, who became Chancellor of Germany in 1933 and dictator in 1934. Also a member of the Thule Society was black magician, Heinrich Himmler, leader of the SS, whose insignia was a Runic symbol, thought to represent the lost wisdom of their Aryan forefathers.

These two factions, that developed out of Afghani’s influence, the Nazis and the Salafi movement, would eventually would work together to revive the ancient mind-control tactics of the Ismailis, to form a body of agent-provocateurs, more commonly known as terrorists. The name of this organization is the Muslim Brotherhood. Ultimately, however, following the example set by Afghani and Abduh, the upper leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood would profess Islam only to deceive, while in actuality they were members of the Illuminati, through their adherence to the Ismaili brand of Islam. Thus, as Robert Dreyfuss described, in Hostage to Khomeini, a revealing look at the conspiracy to promote the Muslim Brotherhood:</sub>

[zonbron]

In vorige post kon U opmerken hoe de Nazi's en het Moslimbroederschap in direct verband staan met het Salafisme/Salafi (Sayyid Jamāl-ad-Dīn al-Afghānī), the Grand Master of the Freemasons of Egypt.

Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida en Jamaluddin Afghani, allen vrijmetselaar.


<sub>Sayyid Jamāl-ad-Dīn al-Afghānī[1][2][3][4] (Pashto: سید جمال**الدین افغاني), also known as Sayyid Jamal-ad-Din Asadabadi (Persian: سید جمال**الدین اسد*آبادی‎), (1838 – March 9, 1897), was a political activist and Islamic ideologist in the Muslim world during the late 19th century, particularly in the Middle East, South Asia and Europe. One of the founders of Islamic modernism[4][5] and an advocate of pan-Islamic unity,[6] he has been described as "less interested in theology than he was in organizing a Muslim response to Western pressure."[7]

Surprisingly, some sources highlight that he was a British intelligence agent.[8] Throughout his forty-year career as a British intelligence agent, Jamal ad-Din Afghani was guided by two British Islamic and cult specialists, Wilfred Scawen Blunt and Edward G. Browne.[8] E. G. Browne was Britain’s leading Orientalist of the nineteenth century, and numbered among his protégés at Cambridge University’s Orientalist department Harry “Abdullah” St. John B. Philby, a British intelligence specialist behind the Wahhabi movement.[9] Wilfred S. Blunt, another member of the British Orientalist school, was given the responsibility by the Scottish Rite Masons to organize the Persian and the Middle East lodges. Jamal ad-Din Afghani was their primary agent.

...</sub>

[zonbron]

WHO LOVES THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD?
Apparently, the CIA, Mossad and the Muslim Brotherhood are all close friends.
All of the people quoted below are controversial, but some of what they say may be true.



Op 1 Augustus 2012...

Volgende is alvast geen verrassing...

Council on foreign relations CFR - Egypt-Israel Relations: Between Morsy and Peres (Perez)


<sub>One of the stranger episodes of Egypt-Israel relations in the post-Mubarak era occurred yesterday with the emergence of a letter—first reported by Haaretz’s Barak Ravid—ostensibly from the Egyptian president to his Israeli counterpart. The letter states, “I am looking forward to exerting our best efforts to get the Middle east peace process back to its right track in order to achieve security and stability for all peoples of the region, including that Israeli people.” This seems like routine and mundane for a correspondence between the heads of state of Egypt and Israel, but we are talking not about Mohamed Hosni Mubarak and Shimon Peres, but the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsy and Peres. This is the same Muslim Brotherhood that was the first to raise the alarms about the threat of Zionism to Palestine in the 1930s. This is the same organization that claims its members fought heroically—even though they really didn’t do much fighting—in the war of 1948-49, known throughout the Arab world as al Nakba (the setback). These are the same Brothers who mobilized against the 1979 peace treaty with Israel. This is the same group that opposed Cairo’s strategic alignment with Washington because the United States maintains a “special relationship” with Israel. The same Muslim Brotherhood, which has vowed not to normalize relations with the Israelis until Israel fulfills the Egypt-Israel peace treaty, which from the Brotherhood’s perspective demands the establishment of a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital.

The unambiguous willingness expressed in President Morsy’s letter to work with Israel to find peace that would benefit “that Israeli people” is a departure for the Brotherhood, to say the least. Yet, this clear and surprising shift in Morsy’s position along with several seemingly technical problems with the actual letter has left its authenticity open to question:

Whoever wrote the letter, which was in English, spelled the Israeli leader’s last name “Perez” instead of “Peres.” True, in Arabic Perez can be spelled using the “zaay,” or “zayn,” thus it would make sense to use a “z” in transliteration. The name has also been rendered in Arabic using a “daad” and a “seen,” which is closest to the English spelling. Regardless, do the Egyptians really not know how to spell Peres’s name by now? How long have they been dealing with him?
President Morsy’s signature does not appear on the letter and there is no presidential seal or stamp on it. Anyone who has ever spent any time in the Arab world understands the importance of stamps and seals without which no document is actually official. Still, there may be an explanation for the missing stamps and signature. I am told that since the letter was communicated via fax, a signed original could have been sent in a diplomatic pouch that is yet to reach Peres’s office. In addition, an Egyptian diplomatic contact told me that the cover letter from the Egyptian Embassy in Tel Aviv had all the requisite stamps and the language was correct, leading him to conclude that it “looked authentic.”
The Egyptians are denying that Morsy sent the letter. Presidential spokesman, Yasser Ali, told al Ahram Gateway that “President Morsy has not sent any letter to the Israeli president.”

So what is going on here? Perhaps the Muslim Brotherhood has had a change of heart about Israel. Hope springs eternal, but such a turnabout is unlikely. Maybe the responsibilities of power have not necessarily altered Morsy’s worldview, but they have forced him to soften his position on working and dealing with Israel’s leaders on issues of mutual concern. This would be that “pragmatism” thing we’ve all been hearing about for many months. It is also entirely possible that Morsy is saying one thing about Israel to his constituents, but doing the opposite in private. If that is the case, he has certainly grown into the office quickly given the penchant among Arab leaders to behave this way. There is also the possibility that Morsy and his people are total rookies who had no idea that the letter to Peres would find its way into the Israeli press. Maybe Morsy sent the letter, but did so in a way to maximize plausible deniability.

Finally, as one member of the Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party cryptically suggested, the Egyptian presidency did not send the letter, but perhaps some other faction or group did in an effort to embarrass the new president. Conspiratorial? Without a doubt, but one can actually understand the logic train in this one, unlike most conspiracy theories. President Morsy has recently taken over a state apparatus in which large numbers of people are not necessarily predisposed toward him. Some of those people—in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs? General Intelligence Service? Supreme Council of the Armed Forces?—could conceivably use a sensitive issue like Israel to embarrass Morsy. The question is: Are they competent enough to forge a letter that would get passed to the Israelis?

I do not know what the answer is, but I’d like to discount the conspiracy theory and lean toward errors borne of inexperience if only because a former U.S. government official once told me that when it comes to the government—any government—“Count on incompetence.”

The whole episode speaks to the ambiguous nature of Egypt-Israel relations at this moment in Egypt’s transition. The letter comes after three Israeli messages to Morsy (two from Peres and one from Prime Minister Netanyahu) that went unanswered. If the note from Morsy is authentic, it is a good sign because it seems to defy predictions (including my own) that relations between the Egyptians and Israelis were going to get tough. Still, Yasser Ali’s denial is curious. Why send a letter and then deny it? If Morsy and his team are not willing to own up to even routine communications with Israel’s leadership, it is not a good sign. The bilateral relationship cannot possibly be in the black forever. After all, this is the new, more democratic, transparent Egypt.

In the end, the letter and the controversy surrounding it are likely to cause friction in Egypt-Israel ties if only because Morsy and the people around him may feel political pressure to burnish the anti-Zionist street credibility more fitting for Egypt’s first popularly elected and Islamist leader.</sub>

[-Jo-]

Best interessant.

Allicht weer parels voor de zwijnen aangaande islamhatend dom-rechts...

[zonbron]

Oorspronkelijk geplaatst door -Jo-

Best interessant.

Allicht weer parels voor de zwijnen aangaande islamhatend dom-rechts...

Bedankt !

Het Moslimbroederschap is de grootste vijand van de Islam, net zoals het Wahhabisme. Het wil deze religie en nog vele andere zaken kapotmaken. Later meer.

Zojuist heb ik nog deze draad gevonden : http://forum.politics.be/showthread.php?t=149042 - de ziekte van de islam: het wahhabisme.

<sub>These Masonic leaders seemed, then, to have embarked on a plan to subvert Islam from within, and to distort the Islamic world and render it predisposed to a confrontation with the West. Key to this strategy was the creation of the Salafi movement, which was an outgrowth of the emergence of the Egyptian Freemasonry of Cagliostro, which today is closely aligned to the Wahhabis of Saudi Arabia.
According to their devious strategy of “divide and conquer”, the British deliberately created the Wahhabi movement in order to upset the Ottoman Empire.

...</sub>

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk zou een vrijmetselaar geweest zijn (strijd in Aleppo oa.). Morsi zou ook vrijmetselaar zijn.

[Dixie]

toch 1 reactie op deze blog euh topic ...

[Munglik]

Israel zal content zijn.

[Dixie]

Oorspronkelijk geplaatst door Munglik

Israel zal content zijn.

John McCain een zionist what a joke

[zonbron]

Het Moslimbroederschap, een Westerse proxy !

Land Destroyer - Muslim Brotherhood are Western Proxies
Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood Joins US-Euro-Israeli Chorus for War in Syria.
by Tony Cartalucci

<sub>One would expect allegedly "outspoken" critics of the US and Israel to represent the antithesis of any joint US-Israeli foreign policy, especially when it involves mass-murdering large numbers of fellow Arabs to expand Western hegemony across the Middle East. Yet the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood has done the exact opposite, after a long campaign of feigned anti-American, anti-Israel propaganda during the Egyptian presidential run-up, the Muslim Brotherhood has joined US, European, and Israeli calls for an "international" intervention in Syria.

Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak recently called for international intervention in Syria citing the alleged Houla massacre, echoed by Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood spokesman Mahmoud Ghozlan who stated the same. The Syrian arm of the Muslim Brotherhood has been involved heavily, leading in fact, the US, Israeli, Saudi, and Qatari-backed sectarian violence that has been ravaging Syria for over a year. In a May 6, 2012 Reuters article it stated:

"Working quietly, the Brotherhood has been financing Free Syrian Army defectors based in Turkey and channeling money and supplies to Syria, reviving their base among small Sunni farmers and middle class Syrians, opposition sources say."


While Reuters categorically fails to explain the "how" behind the Brotherhood's resurrection, it was revealed in a 2007 New Yorker article titled, "The Redirection" by Seymour Hersh, as being directly backed by the US and Israel who were funneling support through the Saudis so as to not compromise the "credibility" of the so-called "Islamic" movement. Hersh revealed that members of the Lebanese Saad Hariri clique, then led by Fouad Siniora, had been the go-between for US planners and the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood.

Hersh reports the Lebanese Hariri faction had met Dick Cheney in Washington and relayed personally the importance of using the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria in any move against the ruling government:

"[Walid] Jumblatt then told me that he had met with Vice-President Cheney in Washington last fall to discuss, among other issues, the possibility of undermining Assad. He and his colleagues advised Cheney that, if the United States does try to move against Syria, members of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood would be “the ones to talk to,” Jumblatt said." -The Redirection, Seymour Hersh

The article would continue by explaining how already in 2007, US and Saudi backing had begun benefiting the Brotherhood:

"There is evidence that the Administration’s redirection strategy has already benefitted the Brotherhood. The Syrian National Salvation Front is a coalition of opposition groups whose principal members are a faction led by Abdul Halim Khaddam, a former Syrian Vice-President who defected in 2005, and the Brotherhood. A former high-ranking C.I.A. officer told me, “The Americans have provided both political and financial support. The Saudis are taking the lead with financial support, but there is American involvement.” He said that Khaddam, who now lives in Paris, was getting money from Saudi Arabia, with the knowledge of the White House. (In 2005, a delegation of the Front’s members met with officials from the National Security Council, according to press reports.) A former White House official told me that the Saudis had provided members of the Front with travel documents." -The Redirection, Seymour Hersh


It was warned that such backing would benefit the Brotherhood as a whole, not just in Syria, and could effect public opinion even as far as in Egypt where a long battle against the hardliners was fought in order to keep Egyptian governance secular. Clearly the Brotherhood did not spontaneously rise back to power in Syria, it was resurrected by US, Israeli, and Saudi cash, weapons and directives.

PR Roll-out of Orchestrated Regional War

To the general public, the violence in Lebanon seems to have "spilled over" from Syria, with characters like Saad Hariri, a leading figure in an effort at fueling regional bifurcation between Sunni and Shi'ia Muslims, being suddenly "involved" in the ongoing violence. To the general public, because of a willfully deceitful mass media, the Muslim Brotherhood's sudden backing of US-Euro-Israeli and Gulf State calls for foreign intervention seems like a spontaneous reaction to the so-called Houla massacre.

In reality, for those who are informed regarding the true back story of the geopolitical reordering of the Arab World, it is nothing more than the public roll-out of an orchestrated conspiracy years in the making, with each actor having long practiced their roles backstage together before coming out on stage and being introduced to the audience. Indeed, the Muslim Brotherhood and Saad Hariri have been working together with the United States, Israel, and Saudi Arabia for years. The Muslim Brotherhood's political resurrection was solely owed to the US-engineered "Arab Spring" and torrents of cash and backroom diplomatic support. The US State Department on record had been preparing since at least as early as 2008, with Egyptian protest leaders flown to New York, trained, equipped, and funded courtesy of US taxpayers before being sent back to destabilize Egypt beginning in 2010 and culminating in the 2011 "Arab Spring."

And while the Muslim Brotherhood is busy feigning hatred and belligerence toward the US and Israel, they in turn have feigned fear and displeasure at the Brotherhood's rise amidst political destabilization the West itself created and perpetuated solely to place the Brotherhood back in power. This gambit is perhaps best exposed with the rise and fall of another Western-backed proxy, Egypt's Mohamed ElBaradei.

Those who "hate" most...

In fact, the more unreasonable and frothing one's anti-American, anti-Israeli rhetoric becomes, the more likely they are in fact working directly with the West and using such rhetoric as a smoke screen. Mohamed ElBaradei, for example, attempted to ride the wave of anti-Western sentiment by regularly pointing out the odds he was at with America over Iraq and Iran. Israel and the US in turn accused him of being an "Iranian" agent, and ElBaradei would regularly threaten to make war with Israel, should he be elected president of Egypt. We will see just how absurd this entire charade really is.


Photo: From left to right, ICG members Shlomo Ben-Ami, Stanley Fischer, Shimon Peres, and Mohamed ElBaradei. Despite claims that Mohomed ElBaradei is "anti-Israeli" or "anti-West," it is a documented fact that he is indeed an agent of the Wall Street-London corporate-fascist global oligarchy, and a member of the International Crisis Group which includes several current and former senior Israeli officials.

....

In reality, ElBaradei sits as a trustee of a US corporate-financier funded think-tank, the International Crisis Group (ICG) along side convicted criminal and billionaire Wall Street speculator, George Soros, geopolitical adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, suspected financial criminal Lawrence "Larry" Summers, and Neo-Conservative Richard Armitage. Additionally, sitting around the same table with ElBaradei is the President of Israel, Shimon Peres, Stanley Fischer who serves as governor of the Bank of Israel, and former-Foreign Minister of Israel Shlomo Ben-Ami.

Beyond even this evidence, and before the "Arab Spring" even unfolded, another US corporate-financier funded think-tank, the Council on Foreign Relations, pointed out the necessity of manipulating public perception to maneuver client regimes into power. In a March 2010 article titled, "Is ElBaradei Egypt's Hero?" published in CFR's "Foreign Affairs," it stated:

"Further, Egypt’s close relationship with the United States has become a critical and negative factor in Egyptian politics. The opposition has used these ties to delegitimize the regime, while the government has engaged in its own displays of anti-Americanism to insulate itself from such charges. If ElBaradei actually has a reasonable chance of fostering political reform in Egypt, then U.S. policymakers would best serve his cause by not acting strongly."


Clearly, both Western and Israeli press not only refrained from "acting strongly," they feigned immense displeasure at ElBaradei's rise in Egyptian politics, while simultaneously showering his enemies and opponents with support to taint them in the eyes of an emotional, and apparently easily manipulated global public.

In this light it is hard to take ElBaradei's feigned anti-Western sentiments as anything more than an absolute coordinated deception, to mask the fact that he indeed is a direct representative of these very insidious manipulators. Likewise the Muslim Brotherhood is playing a double game, capitalizing on carefully cultivated hatred versus America and Israel, while in reality leading sectarian extremists toward fulfilling rather than balking Western machinations. Not only is this apparent in the propaganda game played by both the Brotherhood and their counterparts in Washington, London, Doha, and Tel Aviv, but demonstrably as the Brotherhood's agenda now overtly converges with that of the US and Israel versus Syria, as stated would happen in 2007 by Seymour Hersh.

It seems almost unimaginable that any Arab, regardless of their opinion of Iran, Syria, or Hezbollah in Lebanon, could believe that eliminating this countervailing force vis-a-vis the West and Israel will be to their advantage, especially as it becomes clear their "new" "Arab Spring-installed" leaders are in fact working with, not against Western hegemonic expansion across the Arab World.

Arab Spring Brings Western Client Regimes.

In addition to the Muslim Brotherhood's rise in Egypt and Syria, in Tunisia serving Western interests is the recently installed Moncef Marzouki, formally of the Tunisian League for Human Rights, a US National Endowment for Democracy and George Soros Open Society-funded International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) member organization. Marzouki, who spent two decades in exile in Paris, France, was also founder and head of the Arab Commission for Human Rights, a collaborating institution with the US NED World Movement for Democracy (WMD) including for a "Conference on Human Rights Activists in Exile" and a participant in the WMD "third assembly" alongside Marzouki's Tunisian League for Human Rights, sponsored by NED, Soros' Open Society, and USAID.

In neighboring Libya, Marzouki's counterpart, NATO-installed Prime Minister Abdurrahim el-Keib is listed as a "Professor and Chairman" of the Petroleum Institute, based in Abu Dhabi, UAE and sponsored by British Petroleum (BP), Shell, France's Total, the Japan Oil Development Company, and the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company. Both Marzouki of Tunsia and el-Keib of Libya have vocally supported Western efforts at regime change in Syria, with Libya additionally supplying cash, weapons, and fighters drawn from the US State Department-listed terror organization, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG).</sub>

Clearly with regime change on the table since the first Gulf War during the 1990's, specific calls for regime change as early as 2002, and an articulated conspiracy to use sectarian militants to overthrow Syria, Hezbollah in Lebanon and in turn, undermine and destabilize Iran, on record since 2007, all hinged on the creation of a front of Western client-regimes across the Arab World. The US-engineered "Arab Spring" has demonstrably created such a front, which in turn has demonstrably contributed to the goal of isolating, undermining, and violently overthrowing Lebanon, Syria, and Iran.

For the Arab World, it should be clear that the "enemy of my enemy" is most certainly not "my friend," especially when that "enemy" is the result of an artificial strategy of tension created by those posing as "allies." Sunni Muslims share a common enemy not only with their Shi'ia neighbors, but with all peoples, races, and religions from Africa to Asia. That enemy is Anglo-American imperialism which has perpetuated itself for centuries by nothing else other than its ability to divide, destroy, and conquer nations pitted against nations, north versus south, one religion versus another, one tribe against another. This is how they subjugated huge swaths of Africa, Central and Southeast Asia, and this is exactly how they are now conquering the Arab World.

[zonbron]

Oorspronkelijk geplaatst door Dixie

John McCain een zionist what a joke

Opgepast voor de bovenstaande typische desinformatie !

Hier volgt de waarheid...


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John McCain traveled to Israel where he shamelessly pandered to Prime Minister Olmert, the Likudnik extremist Benjamin Netanyahu, and other Zionist Masonic overlords and groveled at their feet. McCain also had a stopover in neighboring, war-torn Iraq, where he was led around like a dumb beast by his Mossad and ADL stooge handler, Jewish bigot, and closet homosexual, Senator Joe Lieberman.